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Friday, June 28, 2013

Two Minnesota Mayors Officially Proclaim Oromo Week

Two Minnesota Mayors officially proclaim 


minneapolis(OPride) – In recognition of Oromos growing importance to their community, mayors of Minnesota’s Twin Cities on Thursday proclaimed the week of June 29 to July 6, 2013 as “Oromo Week” in Minneapolis and Saint Paul.

"An estimated 35,000 Oromo, most of whom refugee and asylees, have made Minneapolis and the Minneapolis/Saint Paul region their home, after fleeing persecution in their homeland,” Minneapolis Mayor R.T. Rybak wrote in a proclamation document given to leaders of the Oromo Community of Minnesota (OCM).

Rybak urged his residents to accord a warm welcome to guests coming from around the world to participate in the Annual Oromo Festival in North America during the week.

“Visitors from around the world will be participating in festival events including the Oromo Soccer Tournament, the International Oromia Youth conference, shows of worldwide artists, political and human rights conferences, and a host of cultural, religious and social gatherings,'” wrote Mayor Chris Coleman of Saint Paul  in a similarly worded proclamation.
saintpaulmayorBoth Mayors underscored the contribution of Oromo expats to the vitality of their respective cities and the state of Minnesota as a whole.

Unofficially known as 
Little Oromia, Minnesota is home to the largest number of Oromo immigrants outside of the Horn of Africa. The Oromo are Ethiopia’s single largest ethno-national group, estimated at 40 million. According to estimates by Oromo Studies Association, there are currently over 150, 000 Oromos living in the United States.

“The recognition speaks to the vitality of the Oromo presence in the Twin Cities,” said Hassan Hussein, OCM’s Executive Director, in an email response to OPride.  “And more importantly to its universal message of community, beauty, unity in diversity, tolerance, and humanity’s most cherished and eternal ideal, liberty.”

The 18th annual Oromo Soccer Tournament organized by Oromo Sport Federation in North America (OSFNA) is scheduled to tip off at at Washburn High School in south Minneapolis
 this saturday.  Founded in 1995 as a non-profit, OSFNA promotes sports and cultural events within Oromo communities in North America through annual soccer matches. Minnesota fields the largest share of teams who will clash all week for the golden trophy.  

This year’s Oromo Festival is being accentuated by two historic coincidences. First, for thirteen years, OCM has organized its signature event of the year: the Oromo Picnic.  This year’s Oromo picnic is expected to be even more memorable and colorful by attracting a much larger crowd  from visitors already in town for the soccer tournaments.

Began in 2000, Oromo picnic is an iconic social gathering of Oromo Minnesotans filled with a lot of excitement, food, friendship, sports, and jubilant independence.

“The sea of Oromos in all their diversity roaming the Riverside Park in Minneapolis on this day had the look of a people perfectly at home, confident and every bit as devoutly patriotic Americans as anyone could possibly get, not to mention passionately Oromo,” Ademo observed in 2010.

“Seeing it is like witnessing the flower of the American spirit in its freshness, beauty, and vitality.”


Second, on fourth of July night, Oromo expats from around the world will gather to pay homage to a true Oromo musical legend, Dr. Ali Mohamed Birra. Ali Birra’s Golden Jubileeis expected to feature prominent scholars who will reflect on his 50 years of musical career, release of a book about Dr. Birra’s life, and a star-studded concert. 

Can the Oromo speak for themselves? Ethiopianists say no

oromorefugeesby Ayantu Tibeso

(OPride) – Oromo rights advocates and Ethiopian activists quarreled over Al Jazeera's decision to address the plight of Oromo people during its flagship social media show, The Streamearlier this week.
The network’s announcement of the show, “Oromo seek justice in Ethiopia” on Monday evening drew a lot of applause, opposition, accusations, counter accusations, and denouncements on various social media networks.

Those who opposed the show questioned its timing amid Ethio-Egypt stalemate over the Nile; outright suggested that the Al Jazeera network was pulling for Egypt; decried that singling out the plight of Oromo foments ethnic division and violates Ethiopia’s sovereignty; and the list of accusations go on ad hominem.

On the other hand, Oromo activists welcomed the network’s decision to highlight their people’s untold story of injustice, historical and systematic marginalization, and their legitimate quest for self-determination.

The debate, while not new, continues even after the show in various forms, no less through a petition set up to demand official apology and explanation from Al Jazeera. However, even amid suffocating fear, suspicion, and attempts to silence the Oromo voice, the conversations generated are a testament to the fact that the plight of Oromo is not given due attention. Al Jazeera has barely scratched the surface.

It is important to note that on June 8 when journalist and OPride.com editor Mohammed Ademo pitched the story to Al Jazeera, even the Nigerian host Femi Oke had no prior knowledge about the Oromo. The notion that Al Jazeera was doing anti-Ethiopia PR for Egypt, when in fact the topic came from open editorial meeting with audiences, falls flat on its face.

Nevertheless, even for those who are familiar with the widespread refusal by most Ethiopians to acknowledge and discuss Oromo people’s continued plight, the outpouring of opposition to Al Jazeera's coverage of Oromo people’s oppression was deeply disheartening and disturbing to witness.

As indicated above, Ethiopians gave many reasons for their protest against the show. Perhaps even more so for their fear and suspicion of the Oromo voice as a whole. Many resented the focus on the Oromo, citing that they are not the only ones being oppressed and persecuted in Ethiopia. For others, the focus on Oromo was simply seen as an issue meant to divide the country. Still many more dismissed the Oromo struggle as a “tribal” and narrow issue that “overstates” or dwells too much on past historical injustices.

Besides these spoken reasons given to oppose the show, the revelation of Ethiopians’ deep seated fear and repulsion of Oromo demands was troubling even for the most “moderate” Oromos. The recent controversies demonstrate that both ruling party supporters and other Ethiopianist activists, including diehard regime detractors, stood united against Oromo struggle for autonomy, justice and equality. The basis for their unity being fear and hatred developed over centuries.

“In Ethiopia today, as we speak, every dissenting Oromo is taken as OLF, by extension a terrorist,” said Ademo during the show on AJStream.  In fact, those who protested the show were quick to denounce the panelists as OLF cheerleaders – underscoring just how systematic and structural the abuse of Oromo dissent is in Ethiopia.

Oromos are not the only ones suffering, many Ethiopians protested. What proponents of this argument failed to see was that the Oromo do not claim that they are the only ones suffering. Rather, many Oromo activists sought to demonstrate that the suffering of Oromo people within Ethiopia is neither new nor would it be solved by a simple change of regimes.  Secondly, discussion of Oromo people’s suffering does not negate other’s persecution in Ethiopia. After all, if we follow the logic of the opponents, the normal and acceptable discussion should have followed in a way that oppression of Oromo would easily extend the discourse of how other nations within Ethiopia remain subjugated by Abyssinian ruling elite. This is the basic point they miss by failing to see the uniqueness of Oromo demands.

Ethiopianists refuse to acknowledge Oromo persecution because they know doing so entails 1) recognizing the just cause of Oromo people, 2) their right to self-determination. These responses are symptomatic of widespread resistance on part of Ethiopians whenever Oromos discuss their plight. They tell us, yes, Oromos have suffered, but Ethiopians need to heal, usually without even acknowledging the need for aggressive deconstruction of oppressing and dehumanizing past events which have a direct bearing on the present and the future.  In this case, healing Ethiopia requires silencing the voices of the victims and the oppressed, hiding the shocking stories of gross and systematic human rights violations that have been committed against Oromos for the last century. This clearly shows a deeply embedded unwillingness to talk about the structural and systematic violence that continue to be committed against Oromo people by the Ethiopian State and its successive authoritarian regimes.

By accusing Oromo activists of overstating the magnitude of past injustices, Ethiopianists also demonstrated their grave misunderstanding of Oromo struggle.  It is historical truth that the commission of systematic and structural violence against Oromo people did not begin with EPRDF, Ethiopia’s incumbent party. Nor can it be solved by simply changing this or that regime. Oromo struggle is against a system that keeps them politically, economically and socially denigrated, exploited, marginalized, and dominated. This requires dismantling of the entire system which has been built for the last century, predicated on the exclusion and exploitation of the Oromo people. This is why while Oromo people must resist the oppressive minority dictatorial regime; they must also fight against the old system upon which EPRDF has made its home

Even more troubling is the fact that whenever an Oromo speaks about gross human rights violations and systematic violence, northerners and the dominant political elite   freak out about the death of the Ethiopian State. This says a lot about their unwillingness to have an honest look at “their beloved” country. It is hard to understand how Ethiopianists love Ethiopia and its peoples,  as they claim all the time, yet willfully dismiss the plight of almost half of the country’s population as “narrow tribal”  problems that should not be addressed on any international forum or media networks.  The systematic and structural violence committed against a large segment of the population does not amount to a “narrow” focus by any rational calculation. The rush to denounce “ethnicity” as the primary ill facing Ethiopia, a country supposedly based on ethnic federalism, only shows the fear of Oromo is becoming more pervasive, powerful and blinding.

Lessons Learned

1. Ethiopianists continue to see themselves as “keepers” of the Ethiopian State. Whether Oromos, Ogadenis, Anuaks, Sidamas, and others want to be kept or not, they do not care. Ethiopianists still cannot begin to imagine a world where Oromos decide what they want.  They are far too invested in maintaining a system of violence and domination to ever listen to concerns of Oromo and other oppressed or marginalized groups in Ethiopia.

2. Narrow Ethiopian unity narrative reigns supreme – it is the law of the land and the people. Even those who present themselves as “liberals” seem unable to move past the same old patronizing, silencing, and tiring Ethiopian unity narrative based on domination. Ethiopians do not want Oromo stories told, unless it is told in ways that affirm the sanctity of Abyssinian supremacy and legitimacy.

3.  Given past and current socio political situations, it is hard to imagine when Ethiopianists will accept a world where Oromo people live in equality with them and others. Why would they be vehemently set on dictating what the Oromo should want, and how they should get it? If Ethiopianists believe that  Oromos are equal and are capable of making the right decision for and by themselves, why are they so hell bent on telling the Oromos  what is good for them  and what they should do to get what they have dictated the Oromo need?

4. Ethiopianists are still not ready to hear assertive and participatory Oromo voices. The very opposition of mainstream Ethiopians against Oromo story being told speaks a lot about the Oromo struggle itself. It is a struggle of a people who continue to be denied recognition in its fullest sense.

5. One of the questions posed online by Al Jazeera stream is “What do the Oromo people want? An independent Oromia state or autonomy within Ethiopia?” It is clear that Ethiopianists are not ready for either option. Unfortunately, Oromos cannot wait until they update their archaic and oppressive perceptions of themselves and others.    

6. Overthrowing a system based on domination and violence calls for a stronger and more robust Oromo unity. This requires Oromos to work harder at dismantling divisive strategies that have been employed against Oromo unity to maintain an oppressive system on life support.  Appeasing Ethiopianists who refuse to recognize the humanity of Oromos can no longer be a winning strategy for Oromo liberation advocates. Liberation cannot be obtained by conceding a people’s identity and its very being. In fact, that is the worst kind of subjugation.

7.  Oromo-Phobia is alive and kicking. It is getting stronger than ever. Oromo people, and in particular leaders and activists must devise strategies to address this damaging fear.

8. Even amidst tactical differences on the way forward, Oromos, young and old, are united on one thing: the need for the realization of their right to self-determination. Antagonizing Oromo voice and attacking Oromo nationalism will only solidify the people’s unity and the future prospect of their victory. It would be wise for those concerned about the future, and dare I say survival, of Ethiopia to start listening, asking questions, learning about, and supporting the Oromo struggle.


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*Ayantu Tibeso is a communications consultant and researcher based in North America.

Cover photo courtesy of Al Jazeera. Some things are better said by the speaker that uttered them. Ademo has collected some of the reactions as follows.

Thursday, June 27, 2013

» From the Editor’s Notebook: Tedla Asfaw and Shimeles Kemal Expose Ethiopia’s Hidden Policy of Ethnocide Against the Oromo ---- Gadaa.com Oduu – News

From the Editor’s Notebook: Tedla Asfaw and Shimeles Kemal Expose Ethiopia’s Hidden Policy of Ethnocide Against the Oromo

In 2012 a VOA journalist wrote about the forgotten case of more than 100 #Oromo political activists, including Obbo Bekele Gerba and Obbo Olbana Lelisa, (read here), and then the Ethiopian government’s spokesperson, Shimeles Kemal, slammed the VOA journalist for calling Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelisa, et. al. “OROMOS.” Per the government of #Ethiopia, Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa are NOT to be called OROMOS.
Shimeles Kemal outrightly rejected Bekele Gerba’s and Olbana Lelisa’s OROMONESS and scolded the VOA journalist who called these political prisoners “Oromos.”
Today, we see similar persecutions when an Oromo person identifies themselves as OROMO. This policy is a crime called ‘ethnocide,’ i.e. genocide against an ethnic group’s social fabric (its identity, its culture, its language, its peoplehood and its nationhood).
certain Tedla Asfaw’s bashing of an Oromo for identifying themselves as Oromo is ethnocidal, and it’s the same policy as Shimeles Kemal’s rejection of Bekele Gerba’s and Olbana Lelisa’s Oromoness.
The ultimate goal of such intimidationbashingharassment and persecution of Oromos whenever they identify themselves as Oromo is to cleanse Oromoness from Oromo (to eradicate Oromummaa from Oromo) by making ‘identifying as an Oromo’ equivalent to committing a crime — and, this has been the ethnocidal policy of the successive Ethiopian/Abyssinian/(Habesha) governments against the Oromo people for the last century ever since the Oromo people were conquered by Abyssinia/Ethiopia.
Shimeles Kemal’s (TPLF’s) & Tedla Asfaw’s (Diaspora Opposition’s) rejection of the Oromo identity(Oromummaa) are not isolated incidents, but a shared policy of ethnocide against the Oromo.
This is why the Oromo struggle is being waged for – it’s a struggle to survive the Oromo as a people, as an identity, as a culture and as a nation against the ethnocidal policies of Ethiopia.
Tedla Asfaw’s and Shimeles Kemal’s bashing and persecutions of Oromoness is not limited to ObboJawar Mohammed, Obbo Bekele Gerba or Obbo Olbana Lelisa as individuals, but applies to all persons who identify themselves as Oromos as it’s a crime of ethnocide that must not be taken lightly.

Monday, June 24, 2013

VOICE OF OROMIA: OPride Person(s) of the Year 2012: Oromo Political...

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OPride Person(s) of the Year 2012: Oromo Political Prisoners

oromopoliticalprisonersSince Ethiopia’s ruling party (EPRDF) came to power in 1991, countless Oromo activists, students, professionals, academics, farmers, and businessmen have disappeared, been imprisoned, tortured, or unjustly executed. While the State’s tight control of information has not allowed for reliable statistics, the number of Oromo political prisoners currently languishing in prisons across Ethiopia is estimated to be more than 20,000.
In today’s Ethiopia, every dissenting Oromo is branded as an OLF sympathizer, and by extension, a terrorist, to an extent that being an Oromo itself has becomea crime in Ethiopia. Analysts warn Ethiopia is turning into a "prison house" for Oromos, citing stockpiles of prisoners around the country.

For the selfless sacrifice each one of them has made in the name of freedom; for speaking truth to power when it was least convenient; for being a voice for voiceless Oromos; and for choosing cold and grim prison cells over the 
safety of life in the diaspora, Oromo Political Prisoners are OPride’s Oromo Persons of the Year for 2012.
Background: 
The Oromo people make up nearly 
50 percent of Ethiopia’s population, estimated at 94 million. The current ostentatious ethnic federalism, aside from allowing for linguistic and cultural promotion, has done little to improve the political marginalization of the Oromo within the Ethiopian state. Even the types of cultural celebrations allowed are tailored to the liking of the ruling party. For instance, the 2012 annual Irreechaa celebration was accompanied by strict checkpoints. At least 150 were arrested and as many were turned away from the celebration.
Although the Oromo language, one of the five most widely spoken languages in Africa, is the lingua-franca of Ethiopia, there is no single media outlet, other than the government-run agitprop, that caters to the Oromo in their language. There is very little that makes for international headlines about the Oromo. When the Oromo make news, it is usually for another round of arbitrary arrests or a sham verdict handed down to Oromo activists or politicians by the Horn of Africa country's kangaroo courts.
Following the withdrawal of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) from the transitional government in 1992, the threat of arrest and lack of freedom has forced many Oromos into exile. For the last two decades, the Oromo diaspora, as Oromo expats are affectionately called, have sought to raise awareness about the agonizing lives of those left at home. The OLF, for its part, remotely tried topressure the Ethiopian regime to relinquish power or negotiate with them. But given the chaotic nature of diaspora politics, these efforts have failed to swing the balance of power against Ethiopia's repressive regime despite heavy sacrifices asthousands remain illegally detained, some suffering in jail without facing charges, others unjustly convicted under trumped-up evidences.

Notable Oromo Political Prisoners
Without a face and name, 20,000 are nothing more than a number. Each one ofthese prisoners – and many more known only to God – have lives full of stories to be told. Stories of young students, full of hope and dreams, who walked miles to get to school for a chance at a better life than their parents had led. A young father who wanted to leave his children a more just and free world than the one he grew up in. A political leader who wanted the country’s constitution applied equally to all, regardless of ethnic origin, religious orientation, or political affiliation. Young activists who dreamed of a day when all persons in Ethiopia are treated with respect, fairness, and dignity. These are just some of their untold stories.
We do not have the means and access to profile all of them. But in the spirit of profiling a few of these courageous individuals even if by putting faces to some names and stories to some numbers, we have gathered a few from around the web. Their stories are a reminder that these prisoners are much more than merely numbers; they are Oromo men and women who are continuously and unjustly robbed of their freedom to a dignified life.

WabeHaji
Wabe Haji Jarso, a father of three and alumnus of the Addis Ababa University Law School, was born and raised in the Arsi region. After graduating from AAU in 1993, Wabe, who previously served in the Ethiopian Air Force prior to attending law school, was assigned to a high court in East Oromia. He was eventually fired from the bench in 1996 after repeatedly differing with and criticizing other handpicked judges in sentencing Oromos, especially those accused of having links to the OLF. He then briefly worked for the Ethiopian Insurance Corporation and later the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia until his arrest on Oct. 31, 2008. He is now serving a 12-year sentence.
Former classmate Tibebu Yilma described Wabe as follows:
Wabe was a quiet, apolitical, farsighted, and very considerate member of our class. He was the voice of reason and magnanimity. For these noble qualities, we all loved, respected and admired him.
TayeDandaaTaye Danda’a Arado:Born in North Shawa, Kuyyu district, Taye attended both elementary and high school in the town ofGarba Gurraacha,155km north of Addis Ababa. As a high school student, Taye was instrumental in starting a school journal called Ibsitu and convincing school authorities to allow the establishment of an Afaan Oromo club.
Taye was arrested three days before his graduation from Addis Ababa Law School, where he also had a teaching job offer. First detained with Macha Tulama Association members in early 2004, Taye was released in late 2006 without any conviction.
According to Oromo Support Group, a UK-based Human Rights organization, Taye was a member of the Afaan Oromo Club, the Union of Oromo Students, and worked on the Oromo Students Graduation Bulletin, a yearbook published by graduating Oromo students. Plain-clothed security officers arrested him again on July 23, 2009 along with Bayisa Dhaba Lata and Muse Ali. He is now serving a ten-year sentence. Taye was seen as inspiration and role model for his peers in Garba Guraacha.

lelise wodajo
Lelisse Wodajomother of three, was a former journalist with the government-run Ethiopian Television (ETV). She was arrested on Nov. 14, 2008 for alleged links to the OLF. Her recent appeal to the Supreme Court was overturned and she is now serving a ten-year sentence. After her husband, Dhabasa Waqjira, sought asylum abroad following his release from detention, Wodajo’s kids were left without parents.
More on Lelisse and other Oromo journalistshere.

mesfinandtesfahunMesfin Abeba Abdisa and Tesfahun Cameda Gurmesa
both civil engineers, were abducted by Kenyan security forces and handed over to Ethiopian authorities on May 24, 2007 while in Nairobi seeking UNHCR protection. They were “kept in a hidden prison and tortured for more than a year” before they were transferred to Kalitti prison in Addis Ababa, according to OMRHO, a German-based Oromo Rights group. On Mar. 31, 2010, Ethiopia’s court gave Mesfin the death penaltywhilst Tesfahun received a sentence of life imprisonment.
bekelegerbaBekele Gerba, a father of four, was born in the village of Gida, near Boji Dirmaji. He taught English at Alemi Teferi in Dembi Dolo and Najo High Schools before moving to the capital to finish his PhD. He was arrested on Aug. 27, 2011 four days after meeting with an Amnesty International delegation in his capacity as a leader of a legal opposition. He was sentenced to eight years in prison on Dec. 11, 2012, after refusing to seek leniency from Ethiopia’s kangaroo court and giving an iconic indictment of its mockery of justice.
olbanalelisaOlbana Lelisawas born in West Shewa, Goro Sole, where he attended High School. Olbana, who worked as an agricultural specialist for the local government, was pushed out of his job after running on the opposition Oromo People’s Congress (OPC) ticket in the disputed 2005 election. Olbana was elected to Caffee Oromia, the regional parliament where he served as MP until 2010. A passionate advocate of justice, he was known for his frequent trip to central prisons to speak with prisoners. He often granted interviews to international media such as the Voice of America. After the ruling party won the 2010 election, Olbana worked at OPC’s Finfinne-branch as political strategist and community organizer. Olbana, along with Bekele Gerba was arrested on August 27, 2011, a day after meeting with representatives of Amnesty International. He was sentenced to 13 years in prison on December 11, 2012.           
Disappearances:
bekeledawanoBekele Dawano Hebano, a geologist, was arrested on Oct. 25, 1992 and tortured at the military camp in Dodola. He was a graduate of Addis Ababa University and held a master’s degree from a Dutch university. Bekele was a senior OLF official in the transitional government and was among the 20-45,000 OLF supporters who were detained in late 1992, within months of the OLF leaving the transitional administration because of electoral abuses. He disappeared while in detention in 1993 from Agarfa prison, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, which documented his detention. He was last seen on Sep.14, 1993 at Agarfa, being escorted away from the prison centre by heavily armed men. Efforts made by his family to locate him have thus far been unsuccessful.
Oromo Support Group: http://bit.ly/bekeledawano
LAMMESSA BORUOne of the founding members of the Macha Tulama Association and the OLF, Boru was imprisoned for seven years under Emperor Haile Sellasie, spent ten years in prison under Mengistu Haile Mariam, and was finally kidnapped by the TPLF forces in September 1992 while undergoing treatment at the Police Hospital in Finfinne. He has not been seen since.
YOSEF AYELE BATI: Unidentified security officers arrested Yosef, a former schoolteacher from the Bale region in southern Ethiopia, on Nov. 27, 1992 in Addis Ababa. Bati’s family has searched all police stations and prisons in Addis Ababa but has never seen him since. Prior to his disappearance, he was still in poor health as a result of torture and ill treatment during a 10 years' detention under the brutal government of Mengistu Haile Mariam. Like Yosef, thousands of members of the Oromo ethnic group had been tortured and detained without charge or trial under the Mengistu government for suspected involvement with the armed opposition Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Yosef then fled to Kenya and stayed under the protection of the UNHCR until the fall of Mengistu’s regime.
After the downfall of the Mengistu government in 1991, the OLF joined the transitional government. But in 1992, following the establishment of a new government headed by President Meles Zenawi, some 25,000 suspected OLF members were detained. They included both members of the OLF armed militia force and civilians, among them women and children. Most were released in early 1993 but nothing has been heard of Yosef Ayele Bati. Hundreds more Oromos were detained during 1993. Amnesty International believes that many are prisoners of conscience detained due mainly to their peaceful opposition to the government, although others may have been involved in violent opposition.
Amnesty International: http://bit.ly/yosefbati
nadhigamadaNadhi Gamada: Born in Ziway, south central Oromia, he studied pharmacy at Addis Ababa University. One of the most charismatic and beloved leaders of the OLF, Nadhi was detained in 1994 by the Ethiopian security forces with a tip from another prisoner who was forced to disclose his whereabouts from torture. A report attributed to Hassan Ali, the President of the Oromia regional government at the time, later alleged that Nadhi was executed at the spot--somewhere at the intersection of three provinces--Arsi, Shawa, and Western Hararghe. Little is heard from him or the authorities since. There was a report that he was held in Mekelle, capital of Tigray region. According to some other reports, he was still being held at the notorious Maikalawi central prison.

The Unknowns: 
The prisoners profiled above are but a few whose names are available publicly. Countless others remain imprisoned, whose sacrifices and names are known only to God. They are the real heroes, and unjustly incarcerated for exercising their inalienable rights – rights that are theoretically protected in the pages of Ethiopia’s constitution.

Runner-ups: 
OPride operates under the belief that our people’s progress is best aided by celebrating the best in us rather than dwelling and brooding on our shortcomings. Our heroes are not flawless angels but rather men and women who err while striving to uplift the noble in us, all the while learning from their trials and tribulations, and putting to use their talents and energies to advance 
the common well-being of Oromos in a way they deem fit. Indeed, they are mortal souls who stumble and fall yet prevail by getting back up and moving relentlessly forward towards the true north –– for the political, economic, and social emancipation of their people.
Accordingly, the annual POY honor is bestowed on deserving Oromo individuals who make an outstanding contribution to the Oromo cause by demonstrating dedication, leadership, and commitment to the advancement, promotion, and development of Oromo culture, language, or politics during the last twelve months. As in previous years, OPride received many suggestions on such individuals in our communities.
Here’s a shortlist:

Obse Tadesse Lubo: Lubo was born in Najo, western Oromia, to uneducated parents. After emigrating to the U.S., Lubo studied nursing in Minnesota. She later moved to central California where she joined other good Samaritans to give the gift of improved health to those most in need back in her hometown of Najo. She makes annual medical trips. She has sent a full-cargo of medical supplies to the Najo hospital. She has inspired the formation of a local support group which mentors and coaches young students at Najo public schools to volunteer and give back to their society. This year, she accompanied three critically ill children to India for a lifesaving heart surgery. She then spent two weeks volunteering in Najo. Lubo’s selfless commitment is an inspiration to many, including OPride staff; if each of us could pay it forward, however small the initiative, the world would be a much better place.

Lencho Lata Waqayo: 
There is no one more controversial than Lata in Oromo politics.Trained in the U.S. as a chemical engineer, Lata is part of the generation that wrote the OLF political program. During the organization’s formative years, Lata was instrumental in articulating its visions and strategies. He is the sole survivor from the first OLF leadership installed in 1977. He served as the organization’s Deputy General Secretary until 1998.
After serving as “advisor” to the OLF, Lata was dismissed from the organization earlier this year. His announcement last May of intentions to engage the Oromo by rearticulating the objectives and strategies of the Oromo struggle remained one of the major preoccupations for diaspora politicians. Lata, who had written two books on the subject, has been both praised and scrutinized in the past for his advocacy to democratize Ethiopia. While demonized by his detractors, Lata is seen as the most eminent Oromo leader.
Over the last decade, Lata’s person, service, and motives were subjects of relentless, malicious, and unwarranted attacks. A true original, Lata’s intellect, eloquence, resilience, and sense of humor are unequaled. Listening to him, one comes home after taking a glimpse, even if a fading one, into the greatness that was OLF, a greatness that is being corroded under the weight of incivility, false posturing, mediocrity, ineptitude, and senselessness. Observers say Lata’s Oromo Dialogue Forum may soon transform into a political movement. For reawakening quiescent Oromo diaspora politics and even indirectly pressuring two rival OLF factions to unite, Lata is OPride’s runner up for Person of the Year 2012.

Gudata Sado Hinika: 
Dr. Hinika’s remarkable journey is full of surprises. Hinika came to the U.S. narrowly escaping a required military service under the Dergue. He then put himself first through community college, and later medical school to become one of the most successful trauma surgeons in southern California. That’s not all. He too never forgot a dream that was seared into his mind at a young age: seek light beyond the sea but don’t forget where you came from. His philanthropy has already put many Oromo students through school. He has built elementary, junior, and secondary schools in his former village of Gode.
Hinika is now building a medical school and hospital – the first of its kind - in south-central Oromia. Earlier this year, the UN Association of USA honored Hinika with the Global Citizen Award for “establishing sustainable healthcare and education systems in rural Ethiopia.” His inspiring journey from rural Oromia to southern Los Angeles is poignantly captured, much better than we could write here, in his recently published memoir: The Healers Light. We encourage you to purchase and read his book: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/horn-of-africa/3628

Jawar Siraj Mohammed: The Ethiopian Muslims movement took many by surprise. Ethiopia’s restive Muslim population has never before articulated their grievances in such a well coordinated manner. The government, aided by the terror-mongering western media, went to great pains to portray the basic demands of religious freedom as extremism, signaling the advent of the menace of political Islam in a "friendly" country. If the committee of 17 were the voice of Ethiopian Muslim protesters inside the country, Jawar was that voice from the outside. For keeping abreast with the movement for nearly a year, promoting, and analyzing with flair, sometimes in real-time, Jawar is OPride’s runner-up for Person of the Year.
Happy Holidays from OPride.com and its staff!